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The racist ideology that had been used to justify the enslavement of Africans had become a means of essentializing class hierarchies. It is not surprising, therefore, that these documents supported the rise of a rich and prolific historiography. Historians from the United States undertook close study of agrarian economies in Brazil, which had developed in quite different ways from those of the North American colonial plantations.
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Like her, he continued to think that the myth of a gentle slavery had to be denounced, but he suggested doing so with more reliable tools, particularly by using rigorous demographic history, the sources for which, he believed, were near at hand. In Cardoso had found only twenty-four works on slavery in Brazil. In the years before and after the Second World War, some among them would make this subject their own.
Contrasting urban slavery and plantation slavery, she described the relationships of domination and their violence, and made room for the diverse forms of contesting the established order: rebellions, escapes, quilombos communities of maroon slavesmurders of overseers or masters, etc. From her point of view, abolitionist ideals developed and gave rise to a certain degree of sympathy among the free population including some whites for those who refused a condition that was increasingly perceived as inhumane and degrading.
He added that historians would not be able to understand race relations in contemporary Brazil if they did not look into the lives of free and freed people during the era of slavery. Please contact mpub-help umich. He put his own students to work sharpening this critique through fieldwork and historical research.
Between these two dates, four to five million Africans were shipped overseas to work and live as slaves in the plantations, mines, and cities of Brazil. Moreover, the lives of slaves were more likely to be recorded than those of free men and women. Intellectuals in post-slavery Brazil wondered what to do with the African portion of their society, and how to protect this population from its alleged "defects.
In the period following abolition, the focus of interest turned to the "black man" rather than the ex-slave. And in places where the traditional order was disintegrating the most rapidly, "Blacks" tended to have a more realistic understanding of the social obstacles they had to confront.
When their dissertations were published inBrazil gained a historiographical base for thinking about slavery, even if it had come out of sociology. The relatively late coffee boom drew a good deal of attention. The year marked the hundredth anniversary of the abolition of slavery, as well as the first year of new federal democratic constitution, and it provided an excellent opportunity to take stock of the scholarly production on slavery. One of the finest non-Brazilian specialists in Portuguese colonial slavery wrote in that it was impossible to pen a of Brazilian history without the question of slavery forcing its way into the discussion.
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For Cardoso, the relationship of slave to master was one of domination "in its pure form," which precluded any autonomy. For more information, read MPublishing's access and usage policy. The central section of her thesis, moreover, provided a fresh description of slavery in the nineteenth century and represented its first overview in the Brazilian historiography.
Por favor, contacte mpub-help umich. There, he acquired solid sociological and anthropological training. Nonetheless, in the s, while Brazil was still under the military dictatorship installed inthe history of slavery became a central focus of intellectual debate, including heated disputes over politics and memory. It would be presumptuous to imagine that one could write an exhaustive summary of Brazilian academic work on slavery. Frazier saw only anomy in the Afro-Brazilian family structures in Salvador, while Herskovits thought he recognized the vestiges of African cultures.
Brazil was the last country in the Western world to abolish slavery, on May 13,and Portugal was one of the first European empires to make slavery the primary tool of its colonization of the Atlantic world. In this view, Freyre now became an example of one who was himself contaminated by the preconceito de cor color prejudice.
Slavery was one of the main issues this new cohort pursued.
When the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute IHGB was created in to undertake the mission of writing the history of the country, it was more concerned with what place the Indians would occupy rather than the roles played by African slaves. Among the countries where colonial slavery existed, present-day Brazil has undoubtedly produced the richest and most abundant research into this terrible part of its history. And while it is true that they were often spoken for or written for, sometimes their words or stances were directly recorded by the scribe's hand.
Implicit in her work are most of the themes that would be explored and brought to light by the generation that followed. Brazilian intellectuals and researchers did not truly address the question of slavery until fairly recently.
Before and after the atlantic trade: indians and blacks in brazilian historiography
The Tupi themselves did not take to agricultural work, which they considered subsistence labor proper only for women. One clear change was the systematic use of archival sources. Viotti cited some sixty works in Stuart Schwartz, in his historiographical study published on the hundredth anniversary offound more than a hundred.
In Salvador, Arthur Ramos  succeeded his mentor, Nina Rodrigues, and from a perspective more in line with the developing field of anthropology, reinterpreted concept of "primitivism" within a culturalist framework: The residual stigmas of slavery were not inscribed in the African "race," but in the ways of life of those who had been enslaved and their descendants.
Slavery did not prevent the development of agrarian capitalism within the colonial mercantile system, but it would come into conflict with it. Taken as a whole, the sociological studies prove that "Whites" tend to view their own behavior indulgently, as if it were possible to reduce "Blacks" into slavery without being affected by the degradation of morals entailed by this enslavement.
The first contingents of slaves were drawn from the native populations, but this course rapidly revealed itself to be impractical. And the Jesuit missionaries who arrived alongside the first colonists had other projects in mind for the indigenous peoples: They believed that conversion depended on a rejection of native culture, and that the latter would result once the Indians had become wage-earning rural workers rather than slaves.
Both of them looked to the past for explanations of the specificities of contemporary societies. Bythe first slave ships had arrived in Brazil, and they did not stop arriving untilwhen the trans-Atlantic transfer of captives to Brazil was finally effectively outlawed. The resistance of longstanding slave-owning planters to the new demands of a capitalist economy and the coffee industrialists' choice of new and more efficient modes of production lay at the heart of her study.
Florestan Fernandes did not stop there.
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Edison Carneiro, inlisted seventy works in his extensive bibliography on "the Black man" in Brazil; most of these were folkloric or ethnographic studies. The epidemic diseases brought from Europe decimated the indigenous populations even more quickly when Indians were concentrated together to labor. The Portuguese colonist, Freyre maintained, did not refuse to see in the slave the human being who was placed in servitude, and he was able to distinguish between the slave's status as a commodity and the race that society had ased to him.
The first was the introduction of quantitative methods, under the influence of English-language historical work and that of the Annales school.
In the preface to the second edition, published inFernandes renewed and refined this critique:. But Brazilian historiography in the s was not limited to the explorations of race that Freyre's work had opened. In the U. Freyre did not come empty-handed; he brought to the debate his first-hand knowledge of Northeastern Brazilian society, upon which Boas's students drew eagerly. As a consequence, abolition was seen less as the result of human effort than as the collapse of the economic system.
Once this had begun, nothing could stop the rush of research or the sheer intensity of argument that still characterizes this extremely rich area of Brazilian academia. He also saw it as a mode of interracial relations that was less harsh than those of other colonial empires.
Even if it was true that the violence characteristic of slave societies existed in Brazil, it did not necessarily result in the relegation of ex-slaves or their descendants to a devalued and immutable social category, nor did it prevent the step-by-step creation of a "racial democracy" through widespread manumissions, the gradual emancipations of the nineteenth century, and finally full abolition on May 13, By reformulating the problematic of post-slavery Brazilian society in this way, Freyre also created a space for comparative study for researchers from the United States, who, in the wake of Boas, were examining the intractability of the question of race in their own country.
Indeed, many such sources had survived, contrary to the long-standing myth that the Minister Rui Barbosa had destroyed them at the time of abolition. A near contemporary in Recife, Gilberto Freyre, coming from a long line of Pernambuco sugar mill owners, followed in Ramos's footsteps.
Cardoso and Ianni framed arguments based in substantial documentary evidence. He had been a student of the French academics who had helped found the College of Philosophy, Science and Literature innotably Roger Bastide. For Schwartz, the extremely fruitful work done in the s and s was characterized by two large-scale transformations.
I will limit myself to describing how the historical debates around slavery took shape in Brazil, and the process by which researchers, engaged also in international discussions on these questions particularly parallel work going on in the United Statesbuilt up this immensely rich and constantly expanding field.
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Both of them, however, understood the mixed-race society of Bahia through Freyre's lens. Cardoso and Ianni, using Marxism as their interpretive framework, characterized slavery escravatura as a mode of production and as a form of social organization. Nonetheless, she did not see in these actions the early manifestation of a collective consciousness that could lead to an organized revolt such as the Demerara revolt in British Guyana.
Nonetheless, Brazilian research on the history of slavery has been in continual dialogue with North American scholarship, which has in turn produced a of the finest specialists in the field,  some of whom have ended up at Brazilian universities.
Entre em contato com mpub-help umich. According to Freyre, Brazilian men and women, black or white, were products of a social order, the patriarchal order, that was born on the colonial sugar plantation, more specifically, in its "big house" casa grande where the master and slaves lived together. So when the Portuguese crown, trying to satisfy the Company of Jesus, placed strict regulations on the enslavement of Indians in Brazil, colonists looked to the transfer of African captives from the other side of the Atlantic, a turn of events that the Jesuits were not the last to benefit from.
With a great deal of lucidity, he outlined what would be the major research questions of the s and s. Such was the case for Franklin Frazier and Melville Herskovits, who chose Brazil as a testing ground for their contradictory interpretations of post-slavery black cultures.
The work of Stanley J. In Brazil debates about race provided the initial push toward research into slavery. The question of slavery filtered into every area of historical research: legal history, religious history, historical demography, economic history, social and cultural history, etc. The colonists who landed in Brazil in to establish sugar cane plantations and mills to process the cane—an enterprise that had been proved successful on the island of Madeira—quickly turned to servile labor to clear and cultivate the land.